26.6.2022 | 23:08
Hćstiréttur Bandaríkjanna og fóstureyđingar
Fólk hefur mismunandi skođanir varđandi fóstureyđingar og ţađ er eđlilegt í lýđrćđisríki. Í Evrópu og víđa annarsstađar hefur veriđ samţykkt misfrjálslynd lög um fóstureyđingu, sem nú kallast ţungunarrof. Í Bandaríkjunum dćmdi Hćstiréttur Bandaríkjanna áriđ 1973 í ţví frćga máli Roe v. Wade ađ kona hefđi stjórnarskrárvarin rétt til ađ velja ađ láta eyđa fóstri innan ákveđins tíma frá ţungun.
Ţeim dómi hefur Hćstiréttur Bandaríkjanna nú hnekkt á ţeim grundvelli, ađ ţađ fóstureyđing sé ekki réttur sem mćlt er fyrir um í stjórnarskrá Bandaríkjanna. Raunar kemst dómstóllinn ađ ţeirri niđurstöđu, ađ stjórnarskráin hvorki heimili né banni fóstureyđingar og ţessvegna sé ţađ löggjafans bćđi einstakra fylkja og alríkisins ađ ákveđa hvort fóstureyđingar skuli leyfa eđa ţćr skuli banna.
Hér á landi hefđi ţađ ţótt einstaklega sérkennilegt hefđi Hćstiréttur Íslands kveđiđ upp dóm um ađ fóstureyđingar vćru löglegar og mannréttindi kvenna svo fremi sem fóstureyđing vćri framkvćmd innan ákveđins tíma frá getnađi. Hćstiréttur hefđi ekki getađ kveđiđ upp slíkan dóm út frá stjórnarskrá íslenska lýđveldisins og ţađ eru eingöngu lög um fóstureyđingar (ţungunarrof) sem mćla fyrir um ţađ hvađa reglur skuli gilda um ţessi mál, en ţađ hefur engum hér á landi dottiđ ţađ í hug ađ Hćstiréttur ćtti í ţessu efni eđa öđrum slíkum, ađ grípa fram fyrir hendur ţjóđkjörinna fulltrúa og búa til lög í landinu, en forseta Íslands og forsćtisráđherra finnst ađ ţannig eigi ţađ ađ vera í Bandaríkjunum.
Stjórnmálamenn á Vesturlöndum sem og Biden forseti og hans nótar hrópa nú hátt um hverskonar ófremdarástand sé í Hćstarétti Bandaríkjanna ţegar hann bendir réttilega á, ađ stjórnarskrá Bandaríkjanna hefur ekkert međ ţetta ađ gera ekki frekar en stjórnarskrá lýđveldisins Íslands.
Ţađ er dapurt ađ ţurfa ađ horfa upp á ađ bćđi forseti lýđveldisins og forsćtisráđherra skuli bćđi falla í ţá gryfju ađ gagnrýna og fordćma niđurstöđu Hćstaréttar Bandaríkjanna án ţess ađ hafa kynnt sér máliđ, sama á viđ um ótölulegan hóp álitsgjafa og fréttafólks.
Dómurinn bannar ekki fóstureyđingar. Hann segir einfaldlega ađ stjórnarskráin í Bandaríkjunum veiti ekki stjórnarskrárvarin rétt til fóstureyđingar. Hann segir líka ađ ţađ sé ţjóđkjörinna fulltrúa ađ taka ákvörđun um hvort heimila skuli fóstureyđingar og nánari reglur ţar ađ lútandi.
Ţessi niđurstađa Hćstaréttar Bandaríkjanna breytir ţví ekki ađ fóstureyđingar eru eftir sem áđur heimilar í ţeim ríkjum, ţar sem ţćr eru leyfđar en ţar býr mikill meirihluti Bandaríkjamanna. Ţá liggur líka fyrir ađ konur sem vilja fá fóstureyđingu geta fariđ frjálsar ferđa sinna til ţess og ţađ er óheimilt ađ meina ţeim slíka för.
Hvađ sem líđur mínum viđhorfum, Guđna Th. Jóhannessonar eđa annarra varđandi fóstureyđingar ţá verđum viđ ađ skođa hvađ er um ađ rćđa hverju sinni og viđ hljótum ađ vera sammála um ţađ viđ Guđni og sjálfsagt Katrín Jakobsdóttir líka ađ ćđsti dómstóll ríkja skuli jafnan dćma í samrćmi viđ lögin í samrćmi viđ heiđarlegt mat dómara sem byggist á ţekkingu ţeirra og dómgreind. Ţess verđum viđ ađ krefjast en viđ getum ekki krafist ţess ađ dómarar dćmi í samrćmi viđ ţađ sem viđ vildum svo gjarnan ađ hefđi átt ađ vera til stađar en var ţađ ekki.
Nú reynir á Biden forseta ađ gangast fyrir löggjöf í Bandaríkjunum, sem tryggir ákveđinn lágmarksrétt varđandi réttindi kvenna til fóstureyđinga. Ţađ er hans og löggjafans ţ.e. ţings Bandaríkjanna (Fulltrúadeildarinnar og Öldungadeildarinnar) ađ ákveđa framgang málsins. Ţađ átti alltaf ađ vera á ţeirra könnu líka fyrir 50 árum, en ţví miđur kvađ Hćstiréttur Bandaríkjanna ţá upp rangan dóm ađ mínu mati, sem hefur komiđ í veg fyrir ađ Bandaríkin fćru í gegn um ţá umrćđu og lýđrćđđislega lagasetningu, sem hefur veriđ í Evrópu og vafalaust hefđi löggjöfin í Bandaríkjunum veriđ önnur í dag hefđi sá dómur ekki veriđ kveđinn upp.
Mér finnast ummćli Kavanaugh dómara viđ Hćstarétt í Bandaríkjunum vera ţau bestu varđandi skýringar á niđurstöđu meirihlutans hvađ varđar ţetta mál og set hér ađ neđan allt sem máli skiptir í ţví sem hann setur fram varđandi dóminn.
JUSTICE KAVANAUGH, concurring.
Abortion is a profoundly difficult and contentious issue because it presents an irreconcilable conflict between the interests of a pregnant woman who seeks an abortion and the interests in protecting fetal life. The interests on both sides of the abortion issue are extraordinarily weighty. On the one side, many pro-choice advocates forcefully argue that the ability to obtain an abortion is critically important for womens personal and professional lives, and for womens health. They contend that the widespread availability of abortion has been essential for women to advance in society and to achieve greater equality over the last 50 years. And they maintain that women must have the freedom to choose for themselves whether to have an abortion. On the other side, many pro-life advocates forcefully argue that a fetus is a human life. They contend that all human life should be protected as a matter of human dignity and fundamental morality. And they stress that a significant percentage of Americans with pro-life views are women. When it comes to abortion, one interest must prevail over the other at any given point in a pregnancy. Many Americans of good faith would prioritize the interests of the pregnant woman. Many other Americans of good faith instead would prioritize the interests in protecting fetal lifeat least unless, for example, an abortion is necessary to save the life of the mother. Of course, many Americans are conflicted or have nuanced views that may vary depending on the particular time in pregnancy, or the particular circumstances of a pregnancy. The issue before this Court, however, is not the policy or morality of abortion. The issue before this Court is what the Constitution says about abortion. The Constitution does not take sides on the issue of abortion. The text of the Constitution does not refer to or encompass abortion. To be sure, this Court has held that the Constitution protects unenumerated rights that are deeply rooted in this Nations history and tradition, and implicit in the concept of ordered liberty. But a right to abortion is not deeply rooted in American history and tradition, as the Court today thoroughly explains.1 On the question of abortion, the Constitution is therefore neither pro-life nor pro-choice. The Constitution is neutral and leaves the issue for the people and their elected representatives to resolve through the democratic process in the States or Congresslike the numerous other difficult questions of American social and economic policy that the Constitution does not address. Because the Constitution is neutral on the issue of abortion, this Court also must be scrupulously neutral. The nine unelected Members of this Court do not possess the constitutional authority to override the democratic process and to decree either a pro-life or a pro-choice abortion policy for all 330 million people in the United States. Instead of adhering to the Constitutions neutrality, the Court in Roe took sides on the issue and unilaterally decreed that abortion was legal throughout the United States up to the point of viability (about 24 weeks of pregnancy). The Courts decision today properly returns the Court to a position of neutrality and restores the peoples authority to address the issue of abortion through the processes of democratic self-government established by the Constitution. Some amicus briefs argue that the Court today should not only overrule Roe and return to a position of judicial neutrality on abortion, but should go further and hold that the Constitution outlaws abortion throughout the United States. No Justice of this Court has ever advanced that position. I respect those who advocate for that position, just as I respect those who argue that this Court should hold that the Constitution legalizes pre-viability abortion throughout the United States. But both positions are wrong as a constitutional matter, in my view. The Constitution neither outlaws abortion nor legalizes abortion. To be clear, then, the Courts decision today does not outlaw abortion throughout the United States. On the contrary, the Courts decision properly leaves the question of abortion for the people and their elected representatives in the democratic process. Through that democratic process, the people and their representatives may decide to allow or limit abortion. As Justice Scalia stated, the States may, if they wish, permit abortion on demand, but the Constitution does not require them to do so. Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pa. v. Casey, 505 U. S. 833, 979 (1992) (opin ion concurring in judgment in part and dissenting in part). Todays decision therefore does not prevent the numerous States that readily allow abortion from continuing to readily allow abortion. That includes, if they choose, the amici States supporting the plaintiff in this Court: New York, California, Illinois, Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Vermont, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, New Mexico, Colorado, Nevada, Oregon, Washington, and Hawaii. By contrast, other States may maintain laws that more strictly limit abortion. After todays decision, all of the States may evaluate the competing interests and decide how to address this consequential issue.2 In arguing for a constitutional right to abortion that would override the peoples choices in the democratic process, the plaintiff Jackson Womens Health Organization and its amici emphasize that the Constitution does not freeze the American peoples rights as of 1791 or 1868. I fully agree. To begin, I agree that constitutional rights apply to situations that were unforeseen in 1791 or 1868 such as applying the First Amendment to the Internet or the Fourth Amendment to cars. Moreover, the Constitution authorizes the creation of new rightsstate and federal, statutory and constitutional. But when it comes to creating new rights, the Constitution directs the people to the various processes of democratic self-government contemplated by the Constitutionstate legislation, state constitutional amendments, federal legislation, and federal constitutional The Constitution does not grant the nine unelected Members of this Court the unilateral authority to rewrite the Constitution to create new rights and liberties based on our own moral or policy views.
III After todays decision, the nine Members of this Court will no longer decide the basic legality of pre-viability abortion for all 330 million Americans. That issue will be resolved by the people and their representatives in the democratic process in the States or Congress. But the parties arguments have raised other related questions, and I address some of them here. First is the question of how this decision will affect other precedents involving issues such as contraception and marriagein particular. I emphasize what the Court today states: Overruling Roe does not mean the overruling of those precedents, and does not threaten or cast doubt on those precedents. Second, as I see it, some of the other abortion-related legal questions raised by todays decision are not especially difficult as a constitutional matter. For example, may a State bar a resident of that State from traveling to another State to obtain an abortion? In my view, the answer is no based on the constitutional right to interstate travel. May a State retroactively impose liability or punishment for an abortion that occurred before todays decision takes effect? In my view, the answer is no based on the Due Process Clause or the Ex Post Facto Clause. But this Court will no longer decide the fundamental question of whether abortion must be allowed throughout the United States through 6 weeks, or 12 weeks, or 15 weeks, or 24 weeks, or some other line. The Court will no longer decide how to evaluate the interests of the pregnant woman and the interests in protecting fetal life throughout pregnancy. Instead, those difficult moral and policy questions will be decided, as the Constitution dictates, by the people and their elected representatives through the constitutional processes of democratic self-government. The Roe Court took sides on a consequential moral and policy issue that this Court had no constitutional authority to decide. By taking sides, the Roe Court distorted the Nations understanding of this Courts proper role in the American constitutional system and thereby damaged the Court as an institution. As Justice Scalia explained, Roe destroyed the compromises of the past, rendered compromise impossible for the future, and required the entire issue to be resolved uniformly, at the national level. Casey, 505 U. S., at 995 (opinion concurring in judgment in part and dissenting in part). The Courts decision today properly returns the Court to a position of judicial neutrality on the issue of abortion, and properly restores the peoples authority to resolve the issue of abortion through the processes of democratic self government established by the Constitution. To be sure, many Americans will disagree with the Courts decision today. That would be true no matter how the Court decided this case. Both sides on the abortion issue believe sincerely and passionately in the rightness of their cause. Especially in those difficult and fraught circumstances, the Court must scrupulously adhere to the Constitutions neutral position on the issue of abortion.
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